The refugee crisis of and caused this situation to change, with the populist backlash against uncontrolled migration and Islamic organizations inside the EU. Small, organized forces entered the leadership of broad social coalitions and steered them towards revolutionary goals that the majority of the group had never promoted themselves. The AfD originally had a very diffuse ideology that combined elements of both liberal and far-right conservatism. But the fact that the German political establishment rejected the party and that neo-Nazis became active in the movement transformed it into a glaringly anti-immigrant group.
Traditionally, Russian Germans were not only supporters of the Christian Democratic Union and its counterpart in Bavaria, the Christian Social Union but of the most conservative wing within the party. After that, Russian-speaking political activists, with a visible presence on social networks, refused to support her. At present, I am not aware of a single German Russian-speaking social media group that backs Merkel.
Indeed, it might be more accurate to say that they never entered the battle in the first place. The Christian Democrats have just one group on Odnoklassniki — a branch of the party based in a small provincial town. It is widely known that far-right radicals have been actively collaborating with the Kremlin since the early s. This degree of organization would have been impossible without systematic co-ordination.
Almost all of those who spoke at or participated in the demonstrations were native Russian speakers. But far-right Germans also addressed some of the meetings. They were easily identifiable by their appearance, the manner of their performance and the slogans they used. The Lisa F. No information appeared in advance in public, yet people still assembled. The semi-literate but vigorous call to attend the demonstrations appeared in Russian.
It was disseminated on social networks and read:. A year-old girl has been raped in Berlin. The corrupt authorities and their faithful dogs, the police, are trying to cover up the facts as best they can. The press has been silent for a full week. ON We are the last bastion. If we do not unify and save Germany we shall be suffocated, like rats in our own holes. Repost this.
Everyone must know within a week. I accessed this text through personal contacts. It had been disseminated in a new way — by personal invitation through social networking sites not indexed in search engines primarily Odnoklassniki and Facebook , through messaging services mostly WhatsApp and no doubt through closed groups on Vkontakte.
The text was not made freely accessible on open online communities popular among Russian Germans. Residents of Germany who had made clear their opposition to Putin or their loyalty to the German authorities did not receive it. The call to attend the demonstrations was sent out either using a contact list or through relatives, friends, acquaintances and colleagues of a similar political persuasion. At the same time, the Russian authorities have no desire to be caught red-handed.
If Russian-speaking German activists are not always as careful as they should be about posting on social networks, then it is a matter of concern to Moscow. In the winter of —, the Odnoklassniki network unexpectedly announced that secret groups could now be created within the network.
Information about them would not be available to outsiders. In the past, VKontakte had offered plenty of scope for copying and sharing photographs and other material. What does all this mean? Has the Russian-speaking population of Germany slipped out of control, as far as the German authorities are concerned? Has the group changed its political preferences and rejected traditional parties? Support for anti-migrant and anti-Merkel slogans turned out to be less enthusiastic than was predicted.
Moreover, if one looks at the figures in areas where AfD has been successful, it becomes clear that it received most votes in eastern areas of Germany where there are few Russian speakers. Statistics concerning social networks also indicate that Russian speakers are more interested in joining non-political online communities. Politicized groups have relatively limited audiences. This estimate roughly equals the number of people who participated in the demonstrations, though of course not everyone would have been able to attend.
At the same time, the number is relatively high. It would be fair to say that this group is the tip of the iceberg. People holding an actively pro-Putin position dominate online communities of Russian speakers in Germany, and represent what is the largest contingent within this environment. This does not mean that all Russian-speaking Germans are under their influence.
Many do not read or watch Russian-language media or use social networks. Those who do may well have their own political position. Equally, it is impossible to gauge the electoral influence of this group at the present time. We will have to await the results of state and federal elections. However, a group as large and active as this is bound to affect the behaviour of the entire Russian-speaking community in Germany, especially when crisis situations arise.
The author is grateful to the Slavic-Eurasian Research Center at Hokkaido University Japan for the opportunity to work on this article. Mitrokhin N. The community was created 1 January and now has , Likes. Want to hear a human voice? Listen and subscribe wherever you get your podcasts.
Yet, its media coverage in the West has revived Cold War stereotypes. The relationship between long-established residents and newcomers has not been without tension. There are also differences between long-established German Jews and more recent arrivals when it comes to remembrance and commemoration. Today, those who arrived in Germany as children or teenagers or were born here are integrated into German society, educated, and politically and culturally active. Especially in literature, younger authors have been particularly prolific.
A compasses case, a child's painting, a kosher pan—what do these exhibition objects tell us about the migration experiences of Jews who came to Germany from the former Soviet Union? Theresia Ziehe, a curator of the new core exhibition at the Jewish Museum Berlin, talks about a daughter's longing gaze backwards and a woman's sense of connection to religious tradition in her family; Jewish Museum Berlin More videos with Our Stories.
In , the further admittance of Jewish immigrants from the former Soviet Union was resolved, albeit with stricter requirements than before. A catalog accompanying the exhibition Russians Jews Germans. Photographs by Michael Kerstgens from to the Present.
Holdings regarding the immigration of Russian-speaking Jews to reunified Germany, among other topics. There are no Russians moderators or lead actors in serials, and they seldom participate in talk shows … No documentaries are made about the problems and achievements of Russian speakers. Members of the demographic buy Eastern European cuisine from the Mix Markt supermarket chain, some older immigrants still speak little German, and there is a large locally produced Russian-language press throughout the country.
Why does AfD appeal to some Russian Germans, and why does the party view them as a potent constituency? Since the party first gained representation in three state parliaments in , there has been an agreement among other German parties that entering into a coalition with AfD is unacceptable.
This has to date been an iron rule that has survived even when AfD holds more than one-quarter of all seats in a legislature, as is currently the case in the states of Saxony and Brandenburg. The attitude of the German political establishment toward AfD is one of containment and isolation. AfD has responded to its quarantined status by trying to rebut accusations of bigotry, xenophobia, and anti-Semitism.
The outreach campaign in the Russian German population forms part of this strategy. AfD has gone so far as to openly declare itself a champion of immigrant well-being in its Russian-language advertising. This is openly contrasted with the denigration or dismissal of North African or Middle Eastern migrants and their experiences. And other people have it really easy. They are simply waved through. The relationship between Russian Germans and AfD is not an entirely organic phenomenon of German politics.
The role of Russian state media and disinformation in generating support for the party cannot be ignored, though some Russian German leaders have warned against exaggeration.
The Boris Nemtsov Foundation reports that about 40 percent of those polled turn to Russian television and internet media as a primary source of information. Heavy users of Russian-language media have harsher beliefs about immigration, greater fear of Islamic terrorism, and more skepticism of German institutions and values.
In January , Kremlin networks falsely reported that a young Russian girl had been raped in Berlin by Arab migrants, generating a brief protest movement of Russian Germans in 20 cities across the country.
In the last six years, a symbiosis has developed between AfD and the Kremlin. AfD receives extremely negative coverage in the German press and has sought a better portrayal in Kremlin outlets, while the Russian state likely views AfD as a useful advocate for Russia in German politics.
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